Benjamin 2008

The Walter Benjamin of 2008

http://www.myspace.com/iamwalterbenjamin


Walter Focuses on Folk/Indie/Electronica

He claims to have made it to Portugal

"The National Crisis is out there... oooooh"

When Ruskin met Oscar Wilde

Ruskin (then Slade Professor of Fine Art at Oxford) was one of the two people that Oscar Wilde most wanted to meet when he went to Oxford. Wilde befriended Ruskin during his first year at school after going to Ruskin's lectures of Florentine Art in the fall of 1874. Soon Wilde was even helping Ruskin to plant flowers while constructing a country road in North Hinksey outside of Oxford!

Where there had been nothing but a malarial swamp at North Hinksey, the students helped Ruskin to construct a flower-bordered country road. It was to be an ethical adventure like building a gothic cathedral, rather than narcissistic athleticism.

Although Wilde found rising at dawn more difficult than most men - his mother never rose till afternoon - he overcame his languor for Ruskin's sake. Later he bragged comically that he had enjoyed the distinction of being allowed to fill ''Mr. Ruskin's especial wheelbarrow,'' and of being instructed by the master himself in the mysteries of wheeling such an object from place to place.

The road was then in process of being paved, digging having been accomplished the previous spring. It was not much of a road, but it was for Wilde the road to Ruskin, who invited his sweaty workers to breakfast after their exertions.

The work went on to the end of term, after which Ruskin was off to Venice, and Wilde could again lie late abed, as the road for its part slowly sank from sight.

Ruskin's ideas left a lasting impression on Wilde, who rose to his defense in his work Intentions:-

"Who cares whether Mr. Ruskin's views on Turner are sound or not? What does it matter? That mighty and majestic prose of his so fervid and so fiery coloured in its noble eloquence, so rich in its symphonic music, so sure and certain, at its best in subtle choice of word and epithet, is at least as great a work of art as any of those sunsets that bleach or rot on their corrupted canvases in England's gallery; greater, indeed, one is apt to think at times, not merely because its equal beauty is more enduring, but on account of the fuller variety of its appeal, soul speaking to soul in those long-cadenced lines, not through form and colour alone, though through these, indeed, completely and without loss, but with intellectual and emotional utterance, with lofty passion and with loftier thought, with imaginative insight and with poetic aim; greater I think even as literature is the greater art."

Kafka's Porn

• Kafka kept his porn in a locked bookcase in his parents house.
  
• Kafka’s porn collection was kept secret by his first biographer and friend Max Brod.
  
• Kafka’s pornographer friend, the man who dealt in porn to young Franz was also the first man to publish one of his books.
  
• Kafka was addicted to whores and an obsessive porn collector, his collection was reportedly enormous.

Kafka is Coming

Far from being the anxious outsider everyman in a dead end job, the real Kafka was a millionaire's son, addicted to whores, who was backed by an influential group of publishers. He was loyal to his government, worked in a senoir state sector job and vehemently supported Germany during WW1.

Ruskin's Wedding Night

Ruskin confirmed Effie's version of events in his statement to his lawyer during the annulment proceedings:

"It may be thought strange that I could abstain from a woman who to most people was so attractive. But though her face was beautiful, her person was not formed to excite passion. On the contrary, there were certain circumstances in her person which completely checked it."

Ruskin's Wedding Night

Ruskin's wife, in a letter to her parents, gave her version of their Wedding Night:

She claimed that he found her "person" (meaning her body) repugnant.

"He alleged various reasons, hatred to children, religious motives, a desire to preserve my beauty, and finally this last year he told me his true reason... that he had imagined women were quite different to what he saw I was, and that the reason he did not make me his Wife was because he was disgusted with my person the first evening 10th April."

Ruskin's Wedding Night

A compulsive diarist, on the night of his wedding, Ruskin wrote nothing. Indeed he does not make an entry in his diary until May 12th, his Wedding Day being over a month earlier on the 10th April.

The entry he makes on the 12th of May begins; "Ragged clouds about the sun yesterday."

Benjamin swears off German

Benjamin, in the 20’s, announced that he would no longer write in German, but from now on would communicate only in French.

Walter on Love

"The only way of knowing a person is to love them without hope".
Benjamin

Prostitutes Again

"Books and harlots have their quarrels in public." -
Benjamin

A Cannibal Spices a Baby

"Genuine polemics approach a book as lovingly as a cannibal spices a baby." - Benjamin

Walter is disgusted at being touched

"All disgust is originally disgust at touching." - Benjamin

Benjamin on being left-handed

“These are days when no one should rely unduly on his competence. Strength lies in improvisation. All the decisive blows are struck left-handed.”

The Destructive Character

“The destructive character lives from the feeling, not that life is worth living, but that suicide is not worth the trouble.” - Benjamin

Walter makes a bad decision

Walter seems to have had a knack for making bad decisions. In 1939, as the Nazi's drew ever closer to Paris, where he was living, Benjamin decided to flee to Meaux, where Nazi troops were stationed; likely the most dangerous place to be in France during the early period of the occupation. Needless to say, Walter didn't hang around there too long. He was soon forced to continue running, heading for a well-known passage between France and Spain, with arranged plans to catch a boat to the US. It was here that he met his fate.

The Leeds Arcades Projects

Comprehensive list of Labels/Tags for The Leeds Arcades Projects:-

· A Guide to Saltaire (1)
· Adolf Hitler (12)
· Age of Consent (1)
· Alan Moore (1)
· Alice Liddell (1)
· Andy Warhol (5)
· Angelus Novus (1)
· Anna May Wong (1)
· Antonio Gramsci (1)
· Arcades Project (2)
· Architecture at war with itself (1)
· Asja Lacis (19)
· Aura (1)
· Austrian Cavalry (1)
· BBC History Magazine (1)
· Benito Mussolini (1)
· Benjamin in the Future (2)
· Bernard Tschumi (1)
· Betel Nut Girls (1)
· Boobs (4)
· Bradford (2)
· Bram Stoker (1)
· Brantwood (2)
· Casanova (1)
· Charles Baudelaire (5)
· Charles Darwin (1)
· Charles Dickens (1)
· Charles Fourier (3)
· Charles Lamb (1)
· Charles Thornton (4)
· Charming Hostess (1)
· Chatsworth (1)
· Christ (1)
· Christmas (1)
· City Varieties (5)
· Comic Book Fans (3)
· Comics (11)
· Coniston (1)
· Continuity (1)
· County Arcade (5)
· Crystal Palace (1)
· Cutty Sark (1)
· Dante Gabriel Rossetti (1)
· Depression (1)
· Doctor Miracle (1)
· Dora Kellner (1)
· Dorylia Calmel (2)
· Dreams (4)
· Drugs (4)
· Duchess of Devonshire (3)
· Edgar Allen Poe (3)
· Effie Gray (1)
· Effie Ruskin (1)
· Egypt (3)
· Elizabeth Siddal (1)
· Environmentalism (1)
· Evolution (1)
· flaneur (1)
· flaneurs (1)
· Flesheaters (2)
· Food (1)
· Frankfurt School (1)
· Franz Kafka (8)
· Futurists (1)
· Galerie Vivienne. (1)
· Geology (1)
· George Sand (1)
· Georges Bataille (4)
· Georgiana Cavendish (2)
· Gershom Scholem (4)
· Gustave Flaubert (26)
· Guy Debord (3)
· Hamlet (1)
· Harvey Nichols (1)
· Hashish (2)
· Henry Irving (3)
· Hitler Youth (1)
· Human Cloning (1)
· In Search of Lost Time (1)
· Into The Rip (3)
· Ivanhoe (1)
· J.M.W. Turner (2)
· James Joyce (1)
· Japan (1)
· John Everett Millais (6)
· John James Ruskin (2)
· John Ruskin (82)
· Julia Radt-Cohn (1)
· Kabbalah (5)
· Lao-tse (1)
· Leeds Arcades (3)
· Lesbian Vampires (1)
· Lewis Carroll (1)
· Lizzie Siddal (1)
· Lois Lane (1)
· Lolita (1)
· Lomai Challe (2)
· Lomay Chang (8)
· Lost (1)
· Louis Althusser (1)
· Louis Aragon (2)
· Louis Vuitton (1)
· Louise Colet (1)
· M Salech (3)
· M. Salech (5)
· Madness (3)
· Madonna (1)
· Mahatma Gandhi (1)
· Malham (1)
· Malham Cove (1)
· Marcel Proust (10)
· Marxism (1)
· Mary Lamb (1)
· Max Horkheimer (1)
· Maxime Du Camp (10)
· May Day (1)
· Mickey Mouse (1)
· Miracles of Violence (1)
· Miss Chang (1)
· Miss L (4)
· Miss Universe (1)
· Moscow (4)
· Moulhaile Salech (10)
· Naive Art (1)
· Napoleon (1)
· Napoleon Bonaparte (1)
· New potatoes (1)
· Nightcrawler (1)
· One Way Street (1)
· Oriental Pleasure (1)
· Oriental Rugs (1)
· Orientalism (6)
· Outsider Art (2)
· Panelology (1)
· Paris (3)
· Paris Arcades (7)
· Paul Klee (1)
· Paysan de Paris (1)
· Permanent Revolutionary (1)
· Portbou (2)
· President Eisenhower (1)
· Promethea (1)
· Prostitiutes (2)
· Prostitutes (9)
· Prostitution (10)
· PSG Prime (1)
· PSG-Prime (1)
· Queen Elizabeth (1)
· Queen's Arcade (1)
· Remembrance of Things Past (1)
· Riyo Mori (1)
· Robin Hood (1)
· Rose La Touche (12)
· Rudolf II (1)
· Ruskin's Diary (15)
· Ruskin's Dream (1)
· Ruskin's Grave (1)
· Ruskin's Poetry (1)
· Ruskin's Tea Room (1)
· Ruskinian Sexual Experience (1)
· Sailors (1)
· Salech Moulhaile (7)
· Saltaire (3)
· Sameness (1)
· Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1)
· Satan (1)
· Scuola di San Marco (1)
· Sheep (1)
· Sibyls (1)
· Sideburns (1)
· Sidney Smith (1)
· Siena Cathedral (1)
· Sienna Cathedral (1)
· Situationism (2)
· Spiritualism (1)
· St Ursula (1)
· Stalking (1)
· Success (1)
· Surrealism (1)
· Taipei (1)
· Taiwan (1)
· The Arcades Project (10)
· The Destructive character (1)
· The Flaneur (2)
· The Future (1)
· The Holy Roman Empire (1)
· The Internet (1)
· The Leeds Arcades (3)
· The Leeds Arcades Projects (2)
· The Messiah (1)
· The Oceana Club (1)
· The Parc de la Villette (1)
· The Paris Arcades (1)
· The Pen Shop (1)
· The Stalkers Club (1)
· The Stones of Venice (5)
· The Tears of Eros (1)
· The Uinversity of Muri (1)
· Theodor Adorno (2)
· Thornton's Arcade (8)
· Titus Salt (3)
· Translation (2)
· turtles (1)
· University of Bradford (1)
· Unpacking my Library (1)
· Unto this last (3)
· Utopia (1)
· Venice (5)
· Vladimir Nabokov (1)
· Walter Benjamin (163)
· William Morris (1)
· William Shakespeare (1)
· Women (1)
· World War One (1)
· World War Two (1)
· Yellow Fever (6)
· Yukie Kawamura (2)
· Zoe Williams (1)

Benjamin on the similarities between Books and Prostitutes

In One-Way Street under the subheading Post No Bills Benjamin sketches out 13 ways in which Books and Prostitutes are similar. He is trying to be funny. The piece culminates in the conclusion that the chief merit of both is that they can be used in bed.

1994

It is 1994 and Walter and Asja have decided to give things another go.

They are camping in Ireland, just south of Galway. It’s not the same though anymore, the magic just isn’t there anymore, hell nothings there anymore and it’s obvious that they’re just going through the motions. Well, it obvious to Asja at least.

One night after a long walk to a pub and a late walk back in the pitch dark with a couple of pints inside them, things seem to be going better. They get back to the tent are laughing a lot, they make love, but its not quite as good as expected and the two of them lie there staring into space and not talking, for a long time. Eventually Asja turns to Walter and says “Tell me a story Baby, tell me a beautiful story.”

Walter had always been able to make up beautiful stories which Asja had loved and in that instant he knew that in some way, this was it; this was the moment that would decide if they could get back together. This was his last chance to win back her love. All he needed to do was think of a beautiful story and she would fall back in love with him all over again. Just one story for a lifetime of love.

But no story came, he couldn’t think of anything, nothing. HE remained silent and after a little while turned on his side, closed his eyes and fell asleep.

Is the Conservative Party still Thatcherite?

If there is one question The leeds Arcades Project is regularly asked, it is "Is the Conservative Party still Thatcherite?": Well, we aim to please:-

"Britain and socialism are not the same thing, and as long as I have health and strength they never will be.... let me give you my vision: a man´s right to work as he will, to spend what he earns, to own property, to have the state as servant and not as a master; these are the British inheritance. They are the essence of a free country, and on that freedom all other freedoms depend." - Margaret Thatcher. Party conference in 1975

Introduction
The new Conservative Party is attempting a reform to consensus government except in one major area Europe. This has been brought throught three main points; (1) Gradual declining of Thatcherism influence and politics; (2) New social and economic condition; (3) The effect of Labour’s adoption of Thatcher’s principals and ethos. First of all I would like to explain what is meant by Thatcherism. Thatcherism marked the end of post war consensus politics. Conservatives and Labour had a similar political approach of economy and social issues between 1940s and the early 1970s. "The Economist coined the word "Butskellism" -after the Tory Home Secretary, Rab Butler and the Labour leader, Hugh Gaitskell -to show how little difference there was in the two parties’ approach." (Peter and Flint 1997:13) The Conservatives accepted the pillars of the post-war consensus such as the Welfare State, the public ownership of certain industries, government intervention in economic affairs and partnership in industry between trade unions and employees.

In 1970 Heath came to the office as a leader of the Conservative Party and his administration attempted to break the syndrome of interventionist government. Although it lasted less than four years, it proved a critical episode as it gave way in the initiation of a new phenomenon, which will develop as "Thatcherism". His proposals were to reform the power of the unions, the importance of competition, the urgent need to reshape the Welfare state for selectivity and giving priority to business. His government dismantled many of the interventionist agencies used by Labour to implement its policies. His aim was a more competitive and more enterprising economy. He wanted to reform British government and British industrial relations .To achieve this, he opted for a policy of disengagement and the introduction of a new legislative framework for industrial relations. He saw the EEC membership as a motor to encourage the British economy and the achievement of higher levels of investment and productivity. The entrance to the EEC was achieved very smoothly.

Thatcherism was a marked response to the failure of Heath’s and Callagham’s Labour government (1975-78).

Margaret Thatcher 1979-90

Thatcher’s aim was to free up the economy of external controls. Her economic policy revolved around dismantling state subsidised industries. She believed of a truly unfettered marked economy would guarantee greater wealth for the British people.

The government of Margaret Thatcher came to power in 1979 with a commitment to reduce the role of the state and to cut public expenditure. " There was a broad strategy for "rolling back the state", based on a cut in the number of civil servants and public employees, in order to reduce public expenditure" (Dolowittz, Marsh, O’neill, Richards 1998:455) Public expenditure has been Thatcher administration’s main headache.

Domestically she promised to keep the inflationary pay awards set by the Labour government through the Clegg Commission. Her immediate plan was to get rid of the consensus politics of "Butskellism" and was highly distinctive because of her strong ideological clash with politics of the consensus. "Thatcherism has given rise to a burgeoning literature, the main theme of which has been to try to explain why Mrs Thatcher was successful, despite breaking so clearly with the consensus politics of the post-war era (Skidelsky, 1988 Holmes, 1989: Riddell, 1989).” (Whiteley, Seyd, Richardson 1994:156) She believed that forcing the market economy also required further controls upon labour and trade unions.

For the first phase Mrs Thatcher wanted to concentrate on the economy and was determined to stick to a strict monetarist policy expoundered by Millon Friedman. Mrs Thatcher was convinced that the government would reduce inflation by increasing taxes and reducing public spending. A major concern was the State Earnings Related Pensions (SERPS) which had been establish by the Labour in 1975. By 1984 the government introduced "The Reform of Social Security" where they planned on cutting housing benefit, replacing the scheme of supplementary benefits for income support with cash limitation and replacing Family Credit instead of the Family Income Supplement. The simple aim of these kinds policies was to encourage people back into the work place. In Thatcher’s view unemployment and social security payments were actively discouraging people from working.

The government has maintained expenditure on the health service with the annual average growth rate of 3 per cent. They proposed plans were aimed at efficiency saving, contracting out, charges and the growth of private medicine. The Government required an examination of budget, in order to reorganise and reallocate the final expenditure. They also eased restrictions on the development of private medicine and at the same time they encouraged the partnership of joint use of high-tech equipment and resources between the NHS and the private sector.
The conservatism of Thatcher accused the unions of being a monopolistic obstacle, which distorted the operations of the labour market and limited unemployment by pushing up wages. The government wanted to use its control over nationalised industries to force them to become profitable. Thatcher viewed the mining unions as a major obstacle. "By crushing the miners the government was able to demonstrate to the whole Labour government that nothing was to be allowed to stand in the way of restructuring industries to make them profitable and internationally competitive." (Gamble 1994:125)

The years 1982-7 saw a series of major sales of public companies such as British Telecom, British gas and British Airways. Furthermore, a major feature in Thatcher’s government was the implementation of privatisation, which would further enhance economic freedom, increase efficiency, ease the problem of public-sector pay and reduce public-sector borrowing. Sir Keith Joseph argued "Nationalised industries are immunised from the process of spontaneous change which competition and fear of bankruptcy imposes upon the private sector" (Riddell 1985:170)

Thatcher’s education policy was a reaction against the egallitemon by the comprehensive system introduced in the 1960’s. She saw the comprehensive system as one of the reasons for the falling educational standards. Thatcher tried to reintroduce a more selective educational system, for example the City Technology Colleges and sustaining Grammar schools in some form or another.

For her the Atlantic Alliance was crucial, whereas the EEC was a threat to the loss of national independence and a way of restoring socialism in Britain through Europe. The signing of the Single European Act 1985 caused the division of the Conservative Party. As Gamble says “They came to believe that everything achieved by the Thatcherite project was endangered by the European union.” (Gamble 1988; 133) A key pillar of the Thatcherism and the Conservative Party was their attitude to Europe. The Conservative elite of the 1980’s was nervous of forming close economy or social policies ties with Europe. Thatcher‘s foreign policy often saw greater advantages to be gained by good relations with the USA rather than Europe. But, In effect, the British economy was already heavily tied in to the European market.

The Poll tax was introduced to replace the old-fashioned rates system of local government support. It proved a deeply controversial and difficult issue in the Thatcher era. The poll tax was eventually replaced by the current council tax system.

In summary Thatcherism consisted:

· Freeing up the marked economy.

· Controlling labour markets (unions).

· Dismantling large state monopolist (privatisation).

· Introducing internal market economies into key state provision like the NHS/Education.

· Encouraging reform of the educational system and restoring selection of schools.

In essence Thatcher believed the market was the best form for provision of resources, whether they may be products or people. She once said, “Society does not exist but individuals do”.

Thatcherism and its succesors- John Major.

Since Margaret Thatcher, the Conservative Party has had three leaders. In many respects the current Conservative Party today is a conglomeration of Thatcherism and Majorism (the last Tory Prime Minister). Hague and Duncan Smith appear to represent a move back to Thatcher’s ideas and ethos. Hague and Duncan Smith’s problems surround the fact that the Labour Party eventually began to adopt the Conservative policies of Thatcher and Major.

Major’s Conservative Party certainly softened its views towards Europe. He said, “I want to see a competitive and confident Europe, generating jobs for its citizens and choice for its consumers. (John Major, 1993, 27) (Gamble, 1994: 261). A comment that would have never been made by Margaret Thatcher.

Major followed on from Thatcher but the early Thatcher impetus was fast disappearing. Major was having to seek new ground and seek new frontiers to change. Thatcherism had changed much in the early years, but new economic and social conditions were now facing Major’s government. “Inevitably much of the burden of the Conservative campaign fell on having to defend the Thatcher legacy, but Major added his own touches, talking about the need to create a ‘classless society’ (to the surprise of those Conservatives who imagine that their Party existed to ‘defend existing inequalities’).” (Charmley, 1996, 243)

Although some commentators felt Major remained wedded to Thatcher’s principles. Initially Major’s government reminded loyal to the economic programme of the Thatcher government. “In many respects the Major government remained loyal to the economic programme of the Thatcher governments.” (Gamble, 1994:263). But by 1992 election campaign Major’s cabinet only consisted of 3 committed Thatcherites. At first Major, attempted to retain many Thatcher supporters but gradually introduced new less die-hard Thatcher members to his government. “It is a measure of her failure that after the 1992 general election John Major’s cabinet only contained three committed Thatcherites.” (Gamble, 1994:212). Major was hoping to introduce to the British electorate a new face and interpretation to the Conservative Thatcher principles. The Conservative elite had sought through Major to introduce a new face to Thatcher principals.

“Major addressing the Conservative Party conference, had launched the much discussed and misunderstood slogan of ‘Back to Basics’ which infuriated progressive opinion-formers.” (Ionescu, 1994:191). The Back to Basics education programme was attempting to appeal to the right wing conservative elite. So was in effect a hangover of the Thatcher years. Major himself was a curious mixture of domestic policies, like the ‘Back to Basics’ educational programme, with a softer approach to Europe.

Eventually, “Thatcher became openly disloyal to him, particularly over his European policy, even voting against a three-line whip in the House of Lords on the Maastricht Treaty in July 1993.” (Gamble, 1994: 213). John Major and his government embarked on what they consider to be the two priority transnational problems of their programme: the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty for European Union, and the conclusion of the Uruguay Round of the GATT negotiations for the establishment of a World Trade Organization.” (Ionescu, 1994:188). Thatcher was openly hostile to any deals in Europe. Major was interested in accommodating European issues and was breaking away from her influence.

The NHS illustrates how Thacherism was still coming to terms with large state provision even in the 1990’s. The winds of Thatcherism had been blowing towards the state’s NHS system for many years but had yet to achieve successful changes and provide real health benefits to the people of Britain. "John Major at the end of 1994, amounted to an admission of failer in attempts to win public support for NHS reforms. He proposed a twelve month news black-out for the NHS and a slowing down of the pace of reform as a part of a strategy for the political recovery of the Conservative Party." (Dolowittz, Marsh, O´neill, Richards 1998:461).The NHS problems demonstrated how fearful the Conservatives were at grasping the principles of Thatcherism and translating them into real political and social reform of the health profession and its provision. "After 16 years of Conservative health service reforms there are elements of both continuity and change. The NHS remains a system of health care paid for out of general taxation and free at the point of delivery." (Dolowittz, Marsh, O´neill, Richards, 1998:462). Thatcherism it seems had not infiltrated fully a Thatcherist programme of reform of the NHS. The NHS was still a gigantic state enterprise.

William Hague and Iain Duncan Smith.

William Hague and Duncan Smith would at first appear to be a return to Thatcherite core values. In deed, “Thatcher declared that Hague ‘stands for all the things I believe in- above all he offers a clear vision of Britain as a free sovereign nation with control over its own affairs.” (Turner, 2000:244)

Hague and Duncan Smith find themselves in a more complex political arena. Hague showed himself open to issuers and new ethnic groups. He even attemted the Notting Hill Carnaval and expressed support for multiculturalism and was percieved as taking a socially liberal approach. “This “Mach 1“ attended the Nothing Hill Carnival, expressed support for multiculturalism and to a socially liberal approach” (Kavanagh, The Independent, 3 Sept 2001)

Indeed Hague commented that he ruled out privatasation of health and education, signalling a clear break with the party of the 1980’s. “He apologised for the errors of the ‘Old Conservatism’, notably membership of the European Exchange Rate Mechanism. He rejected the Euro, thereby uniting the Shadow Cabinet, and described Kenneth Clarke’s refusal to become deputy leader as “a second birthday present.” (Kavanagh, The Independent, 3 Sept 2001) Thatcherism’s influence within the Conservative Party appears to be on the wane, except on one key area, that is Europe. The current Conservative elite are still set against closer economic ties with Europe. This issue is still contentious within the overall party, hoverver, Kenneth Clarke represents a substancial minority who are prepared to encourage closer economic ties. Hague and Duncan Smith have both strong Eurosceptic credentials, reflecting Thatcher’s own sceptism in the 1980’s. “On the BBC TV’s On the Record programme Hague pointed to the ‘constantly shifting fudge’ on Europe which he wanted to Bring to an end. A week before polling day Hague met with Thatcher to reassure her about his Eurosceptical and right-wing credentials.” (Turner, 2000:237)

Iain Duncan Smith has strong Eurosceptics believes and indeed the 2001 election for Tory party leader seemed to boiled down to the issue of Europe, with Duncan Smith representing the Thatcherite opposition and Clarke representing a softer approach to Europe. In one radio interview “ Mr Duncan Smith boasted of his role in voting with Labour in the early 1009’s against the Maastricht treaty.” (Watt, the Guardian, August 23, 2001)

Conclusion

In conclusion some commentators for example Kavanagh view the Conservative Party as having no clear strategy. “The fundamental problem of the Conservative Party is that it doesn’t have a strategy- and hasn’t had one for four years.” (Kavanagh, The Independent, 3 Sept 2001)

Duncan Smith has made comments about Conservatives becoming champions of the first class public services. “Conservatives must become “champions of first-class public service…… The party must carry out the biggest policy review of issues like health, education and transport in generations if they are to be seen as a genuine alternative government to Labour, Mr Duncan Smith told the Party.” (Duncan Smith, The Guardian 28 Dec 2001) Such comments would have to newer been made by Thatcher. The current Conservative elite seem to face a bleak future sandwichched between a Thatcherite influenced Blair government and the Conservative Party anti-European stance. A defining feature of the Conservatives is simply their opposition to Europe, a key Thatcher policy.

Overall though, the existing Conservative Party is not a complete Thatcher party. Duncan Smith and Hague had tried to be more open to public debate. In many ways Thatcher’s greatest legacy and success was to make the Labour party her true heirs. (Quote) The current Conservative has to find its own “New Way”. A review of their internet web page shows a limited range of policies, mostly reacting to the Labour policies, rather than projecting a strong political base.

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“His text appeared to rule out privatisation of health and education- signalling a clear break with the party of the 1980s” (Kavanagh, The Independent, 3 Sept 2001)

Hague clearly had Eurosceptical credentials, having been loyal to the Major leadership while supporting a firmer line on Europe.” (Turner, 2000:236)

“In Lady Thatcher’s eyes, Mr Duncan Smith won the right to carry the Thacherite torch when she spurned job offers from John Major and joined the Maastricht rebels.” (Watt, Guardian, 22 August 2001, p.6)

“He appears to be an even keener enthusiastist for the euro than is the prime minister, let alone the Chanchellor. He seems to view with blithe uncorcern the erosion of Britain sovereignty in Europe. And in the strategic decision over whether Britain aligns herself with an emerging European superstate or whether our relationship with America should remain paramount, Ken Clarke would be on the side of Brussels.” (Watt, The Guardian, 21 Agust 2001)

“Speaking out on behalf of Nato’s role in airstrikes he said that “we must never allow political ambitions to stand in the way of our national defence… But he stretched cross-party unity by describing the Human Rights Act as “an obstacle to protecting the lives of British citizens”

Miracles of Violence

Notes from 'Miracles of Violence' by Lomaeh Chailleus. Volume 3:-

After the end of everything, after the nightmare apocalypse was over, Benjamin sat alone in his crumbling fort by the sea. There were only four of them left now.

The deads were still out there somewhere, but there were fewer of them now and they hadn’t been able to reach the Island yet. Walter felt like some 19^th century colonialist, looking out from his ramparts.

After the apocalypse, or the nightmare, had finished, ‘Youngest child’ sat down in his strength. The disease was wild after the end. ‘Youngest child’ would sit while the sea eroded the Island. Everyday the Island altered its shape a little.

The woman, Lomay, drifted around laterally. Walter and ‘Youngest child’ were concerned and baffled at such a lateral astronaut. Naked, she grimaced comically, dissipating large turd after turd. The few shitfaces who had made it to the island, with accounts and weapons, but no torsos or legs, dangled their shit noses which yo-yoed back and forth. They formed strange writing of rubbery self-smeared shit, saying something unclear. One or other strange manuscript, Walter thought.

After she was violated by local boys, Lomay rapidly deteriorated. The doctor diagnosed it as schizophrenia. She was doped in order to attempt to make her submit.

The counter buzzed, counting down one more time period. It wouldn’t be long now, the time was nearly up. It was sad he thought, as he looked out across the Mediterranean on this beautiful warm day. If only Asja, or Dora, or any of them had made it this far, that would have been nice. Instead he was here with these strangers, just the four of them, here at the end of everything. It was just like the last time he died, Walter thought to himself with a laugh, alone with strangers.

2006

Its 2006.
Walter is alone at home, Heine having just left.
The two of them have been for a walk by the canal.
The phone rings, its Lomay ringing from China: “Hi Baby, how are you?”
Walter tells her his daily news, but can tell she’s not really listening, she has something on her mind...
“Listen Baby, there’s something I need to say to you: I’m not going to be calling you anymore.”
“Oh....., OK.”
“Sorry Baby.”
“It’s OK, Take care.”

A Night in 1993

1993. Heine, Benjamin’s friend came round to the house in Paris that Walter shared with Asja. By 1993, Walter and Asja had been together for 4 years. While Asja and Heine’s wife went upstairs to look over something or other, the two guys sat down on the old sofa in the living room:
Heine: “I feel so sorry for you”
Benjamin: “What do you mean?”
Heine: “Well, with Asja, you know, all the things that are going on. You know, with the crowd in Leeds. I just feel sorry for you, you don’t deserve it.”
Benjamin didn’t know what Heine was talking about but had the good sense to realise that this was something he needed to take up with Asja, and that he should just gloss over it with Heine, pretend he knew what was going on:
Benjamin: “Well, yes, its OK. Hey, I wrote some poems for you. Come and have a look.”

Brantwood

Big news here at The Leeds Arcades Projects is that Mr and Mrs LeedsArcadesProjects are moving to 44 Brantwood Drive, near to the original Brantwood home of John Ruskin.

Why was Napoleon ultimately defeated between 18-12 – 1815?

One thing The Leeds Arcades Projects is regularly asked is 'Why was Napoleon ultimately defeated between 18-12 – 1815?'

Well, always pleased to help, here's what we think:-

In 1799, after years of war and domestic problems, Napoleon Bonaparte took over the reins of government in France. The people of France believed that a strong military leader was what they needed to restore stability and peace to their nation, so even though Napoleon obtained his power through a coup, the French people allowed him to rule. The history of France from 1799 revolved around one person, Napoleon. He possessed in abundance the skills of a great military strategist, tactician and commander including sound professional training, wide-ranging but acute intelligence, extraordinary memory, strength of will and purpose, courage and boldness in taking risks, ruthless ambition and charismatic leadership abilities. His strong leadership skills, military prowess mad political acumen brought him an empire that covered most of Central and all of Western Europe. Napoleon, it has been argued, was one of the greatest military leaders, whose accomplishments during the years 1799 – 1811, when his Grand Armee triumphed over all its opponents in Continental Europe was somewhat dammed by his subsequent reverses in Russia and elsewhere during 1812 – 1815. He overtaxed himself both politically and geographically, which ultimately led to his downfall and exile.

From 1799, France was at war almost non-stop until 1815. During this period it could be said, Napoleon made himself ‘Master of Europe’ (1) Napoleon’s empire controlled – either directly or indirectly - France, Portugal, Spain, modern day Belgium and the Netherlands, large parts of modern Italy, Germany and Poland. Alliances with Russia between 1807 and 1812, and dominance over the remaining continental powers of Austria and Prussia, showed the empire at its peak. France dominated the European continent with the exception of Britain – the British navy continued to destroy French shipping with its attacks and had a major victory over France at the Battle of Trafalgar. Napoleon’s successes of the rest of Europe, it could be said, resulted from his ‘strategy to move his army rapidly, attacking quickly, and defeating each of the disconnected enemy units’. (2) The strategy of opposing armies, however, was to avoid engagement while withdrawing, forcing Napoleon’s supply lines to be overextended.

Clearly the beginning of his ultimate downfall and one of his great mistakes was his unwise decision to invade Russia without tasking into account the adverse weather conditions his troops would have to encounter and the resilience of the Russian Army. 1810 saw cracks in the Continental system when Tsar Alexander of Russia passed a law which put high taxes on French imports into Russia, and also allowed any ships to bring in their goods to Russian ports. As a result of the growing friendship between Russia, Britain and Sweden, hostilities between France and Russia grew. It would appear that war between the two countries was inevitable and as early as 1810 both France and Russia were building up their armies in readiness for war. When it became evident to Napoleon that Alexander was considering breaking off its alliances with France, Napoleon decided to bring Russia to task.

As was the case in his unsuccessful invasion of Egypt in the late 1700’s, due to his underestimation of the British fleet, he made a rapid and decisive move to invade Russia without considering the onset of winter and Russian strategy. Another factor which possibly contributed to his defeat at the hand of the Russians was the composition of his Grand Armee, which consisted of approximately 675,000 troops – of French, German, Austrian, Prussian, Swiss, Polish, Italian, Spanish, Dutch and Portuguese extraction. Apart from the French and the Poles, most of them were not very keen on fighting for the glory of France. ‘The winter of 1811 to 1812 therefore, saw the concentration of the largest army Europe had ever seen on the Russian frontier. Alexander refused to demobilise, and on 25 June 1812 Napoleon finally marched across the frontier’. (3)

When he finally moved, it was not with the precision and swiftness which characterized his former campaigns. When he began to fight, it was against new odds. He found that his enemies had been studying the Spanish campaigns, and that they had adopted the tactics which had so nearly ruined his armies in the Peninsula: they refused to give him a general battle retreating constantly before him; they harassed his separate corps with indecisive contests; they wasted the country as they went. The people aided their soldiers as the Spaniards had done. By the 12^th of August, Napoleon was at Smolensk, the key of Moscow. At a cost of twelve thousand men killed and wounded, he took the town, only to find, instead of the well-victual led shelter he hoped, a smoking ruin. The French army had suffered frightfully from sickness, from scarcity of supplies, and from useless fighting on the march from the Nieman to Smolensk. They had not had the stimulus of a great victory; they began to feel that this steady retreat of the enemy was only a fatal trap into which they were falling. Every consideration forbade them to march into Russia so late in the year, yet on they went towards Moscow, over ruined fields and through empty villages. Alexander, however had adopted a clever strategy: instead of facing Napoleon’s forces head on, the Russians simply kept retreating every time Napoleon’s forces tried to attack. Napoleon, however, to his cost, followed the retreating Russians again and again, marching his army deeper into Russia. Thus the campaign dragged on longer than he had anticipated. Furthermore, he had brought few supplies, even by the standards of the short campaign he had planned for, since he expected his army to be able to live off the land they were in, as was his usual practice. The desperate Russians, however, adopted a “scorched earth” policy: whenever they retreated, they burned the places they left behind. Napoleon’s army had trouble finding supplies and it grew progressively weaker the further it marched. This terrible pursuit lasted until September 7^th, when the Russians, to content their soldiers, who were complaining loudly because they were not allowed to engage the French, gave battle at Borodino, the battle of the Moskova, as the French call it. As Charles J Esdaile put it ‘Bloody draw though Borodino was, the war was lost. Though the French now entered Moscow without a fight, Napoleon could do no more’. (4)

However, on entering Moscow Napoleon found the city had been abandoned and set alight by Russian agents; also supplies were desperately short, therefore it would appear that Napoleon had no alternative but to order his forces to retrace their path to France. Yet, with a particularly harsh winter quickly settling in, this perhaps proved the cruelest blow for what was now an underfed, ragged army, whose morale was at breaking point. It could be argued, therefore, ‘that the Russian campaign was a shattering blow, French losses having amounted to perhaps half a million men. (5) Napoleon's invincible Grand Army had been destroyed. The Russian Army now flooded into central Europe, taking up Prussia and Austria as allies, and soon the German nationalists rose up in battle as well. To make matters worse, on January 1813 the Duke of Wellington crossed the Pyrenees between Spain and France, threatening to invade France.

In October 1812, a general in Paris almost pulled off a coup d'etat after spreading rumors that Napoleon had died in Russia. In December of 1812, realizing the seriousness of the situation, Napoleon left his army in Russia, as he had previously left his army in Egypt, and returned to Paris. Traveling nonstop by sled and carriage, he made it back to Paris in only 13 days. In early 1813, he raised a new army in France, around 300,000 strong.

By now, however, Napoleon had lost almost all of Europe. During October 1813, at the Battle of Leipzig, nearly every nation in Europe joined in a massive army against the French; in fact, in some parts of Europe, the battle is known as "The Battle of Nations." Napoleon's new army was crushed. Austria, Russia, Prussia, and Great Britain signed a four-way pact agreeing not to negotiate separately, but only ever as a unified foursome, until Napoleon was deposed. In a masterful propaganda stroke, they said they were not fighting against the French people, but against Napoleon.

As Napoleon did what he could with his remaining forces, Foreign Minister Talleyrand took control of a provisional government and started making plans for the restoration of Louis XVIII, a Bourbon. On April 6, 1814, Napoleon finally abdicated his throne and surrendered. He then signed the Treaty of Fontainebleau. which exiled him to Elba. The treaty provided him with 2 million francs a year, and allowed him to retain the title of Emperor, but Napoleon was of course distraught, and tried unsuccessfully to poison himself.

However, Napoleon was not content to remain in exile on the Island of Elba. It would appear that Louis XVIII decided not to pay Napoleon’s annuity but also to confiscate his personal fortune. As Charles J Esdaile argues ‘would Napoleon have remained quiet even had all been well? The answer, one suspects, is ‘No’. According to all accounts , the emperor had rapidly become bored and restless, while it seems that right from the very beginning he was secretly harboring dreams of a triumphant return to France’. (6) On 26 February Napoleon sailed from Elba with his entire army of 759 men. Landing on 1 March near Frejus, he was soon on the march for Paris. As he advanced, his military force grew with thousands of old soldiers and regular troops who changed sides. However, Napoleon faced a coalition of an Anglo-Dutch-Germany army under the Duke of Wellington and a Prussian Army under Field Marshall Blucher. A number of battles ensued which culminated in the defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo.

According to Charles J Esdaile ‘what finally brought down Napoleon was certainly not some mythical ‘people’s war, or even a general decision to employ the weapons of the French Revolution against him. The answer, of course, is to be found in Napoleon himself, Tire, ill and increasingly living in a world of fantasy, he threw away his only hope of victory in Russia, and then proceeded repeatedly to reject peace offers that would have left him ruler on an enlarged country. In the process, meanwhile, he made demands on France of a sort which domination of ever greater areas of the Continent had shielded her from since 1799, if not 1793, and thereby shattered the acquiescence – often grudging – with which his rule had hitherto been accepted, while at the same time betraying the interests of the propertied elements that were the real bedrock of his rule. Whatever the reason, the Napoleonic imperium was no more’. (7)

Napoleon, it could be argued is a tragic figure in that few have has so much and lost it all. From being the world’s most powerful man to becoming a lonely exile must have been a bitter pill to swallow. True, he achieved monumental military accomplishments, but his conquests did not last. Universally recognised as one of the great military minds, Napoleon was an equally talented administrator. If he had turned his attention to these pursuits he could have done so much lasting good. He was also a man of contradictions, vain, arrogant and ambitious, he loved himself, but was not afraid to recognise and praise ability when necessary. He does not seem to have been driven by hate as some later dictators were. All in all, he still fascinates us today.